Activists frustrated over delays on reparations

Chris Lodgson, lead organizer with the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, speaks at a reparations town hall March 15. The town hall focused on demands for direct payments and frustration over legislative delays in California’s reparations efforts.
Photo by Stephen Oduntan

By Stephen Oduntan

Contributing Writer

CRENSHAW — The demand for reparations for Black Californians reached a boiling point at a March 15 town hall, where community members voiced frustration over what they see as deliberate political stalling in Sacramento.

Reparations activists have long advocated for direct payments and economic restitution, but new legislative proposals — including Senate Bill 437 — have reignited controversy. Critics argue that the bill, which funds another study on genealogical verification, is a stalling tactic despite the California Reparations Task Force already completing a two-year study.

“We’ve done the work. We’ve given them the data. Now it’s time for action,” said Chris Lodgson, a lead organizer with the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California. “But instead, they’re telling us we need another study? We don’t need more paperwork — we need checks.”

SB 437, introduced by members of the California Legislative Black Caucus, was originally drafted by Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office — fueling suspicion among activists.

“They didn’t write this bill,” said Chad Brown, a community advocate and stakeholder involved in reparations discussions. “The governor did. And now they’re pushing it like it represents us.”

Brown, who has worked on reparations legislation as an advocate, argues that instead of pushing for direct cash payments, Black legislators are aligning with Newsom’s agenda. This perceived reluctance raises concerns about whether the public’s growing support for reparations will translate into actual policy changes.

Recent polling shows that while national support for cash reparations remains low (32%), California polls indicate higher backing, particularly among younger and progressive voters. However, a racial and political divide persists.

Black Californians overwhelmingly favor direct payments over symbolic measures. Latino and Asian voters show moderate but increasing support, particularly for housing and education benefits.

White Californians and Republicans largely oppose reparations, citing cost and fairness concerns.

California is the only state with a dedicated Reparations Task Force, and activists hope its findings will drive national policy. However, for many Black Californians, the urgency of reparations extends beyond policy discussions and into immediate economic realities. This sentiment was on full display at the town hall, where the demand for direct financial compensation took center stage.

“We got to have real reparations for us,” said Morris Gifford, 75. “I’m talking about $5,000 every single month, from the day we get our first check to the day we die.”

His statement drew applause, underscoring the room’s frustration. While specific payment amounts varied, attendees agreed that cash payments must be central to any reparations plan — a stance some lawmakers have hesitated to endorse.

Although reparations efforts have historically aligned with Democrats, activists are frustrated by the lack of urgency. Some have even begun working with Republican legislators on related initiatives.

One example is Assembly Bill 1315, introduced by Assemblyman Bill Essayli, R-Corona, which seeks to establish a California Freedman Affairs Agency for free genealogy verification services. While some activists see AB 1315 as a necessary step in identifying eligible recipients, others worry it adds more bureaucratic hurdles. The debate over identity and eligibility also extends to SB 515, a bill focused on disaggregating Black data in government records to distinguish descendants of U.S. slavery from Black immigrants.

“Right now, they see something called ‘Black/African American,’” said town hall attendee McKinlay M. Robinson. “But that lumps us all together, and that’s a problem.”

A major point of contention remains the role of the California Legislative Black Caucus. Once seen as a key ally, the caucus now faces criticism for backing weaker reparations bills last year.

“All three of our Black Caucus members voted for the weaker bill,” Brown said. “We need leaders who will fight for us — not just go along with what Newsom wants.”

Activists have called out legislators like Assemblywoman Lori Wilson, D-Suisun City; former state Sen. Steven Bradford, D-Inglewood; and Assemblyman Reggie Jones-Sawyer, D-Los Angeles; for prioritizing legislative compromise over bold action. None of them or the California Legislative Black Caucus attended the March 15 town hall despite being invited, leaving activists without direct responses to their concerns. 

For many in the community, this silence from lawmakers confirmed fears that elected officials were avoiding controversy rather than taking action, deepening frustration over their lack of accountability on reparations.

When asked about SB 437’s potential to delay reparations, Gov. Newsom’s office declined to comment, instead redirecting questions to the bill’s authors.

“We continue to work collaboratively with the CLBC,” a spokesperson said in an emailed response.

Rather than addressing direct payments, Newsom’s office pointed to racial justice initiatives.

“Dealing with the legacy of slavery is about much more than cash payments,” Newsom said in 2023. “Many of the Task Force recommendations are critical action items we’ve already been addressing. … This work must continue.”

His statement sidestepped the question of whether he supports cash reparations — a key concern among activists.

With multiple reparations bills in play, one thing was clear at the town hall: Black Californians are tired of waiting.

“The question isn’t whether reparations will happen,” Lodgson said. “The question is whether our elected officials have the backbone to do it right.”

Stephen Oduntan is a freelance reporter for Wave Newspapers.